Derivation Morphology Assignment Help

The practice of oscillate between two languages or between two dialects or registers of the same language. Code switching (CS) occurs far more often in conversation than in writing.

According to Numan and carter the term defined as “a phenomenon of switching from one language to another in the same discourse.

Trudgill,“speakers switch to manipulate or influence or define the situation as they wish and to convey nuances of meaning and personal intention”.

Kinds of switching:

Morphology1. Situational code-switching: the situation determines the choice of language 2. Conversational code-switching: the topic of the conversation dictates the choice of language. 3. Metaphorical code-switching: the choice of language determines the situation. Example:

“Code-switching performs several functions (Zentella, 1985). First, people may use code-switching to hide fluency or memory problems in the second language (but this accounts for about only 10 percent of code switches). Second, code-switching is used to mark switching from informal situations (using native languages) to formal situations (using second language). Third, code-switching is used to exert control, especially between parents and children. Fourth, code-switching is used to align speakers with others in specific situations (e.g., defining oneself as a member of an ethnic group). Code-switching also ‘functions to announce specific identities, create certain meanings, and facilitate particular interpersonal relationships’ (Johnson, 2000, p. 184).” (William B. Gudykunst, Bridging Differences: Effective Intergroup Communication, 4th ed. Sage, 2004)

Code-mixing refers to the mixing of two or more languages or language varieties in speech. “The process whereby speakers indulge in code-switching between languages of such rapidity and density, even within sentences and phrases, that it is not really possible to say at any given time which language they are speaking.”

Numan and Carter define code-mixing as, “a phenomenon of switching from one language to another in the same discourse.” According to Berthold, Mangubhai and Bartorowiez 1997, code-mixing occurs when speakers shift from one language to the other in the midst of their conversation. Thus this definition accommodates inter-sentential switching and intra-sentential mixing both under the term code switching. Code-mixing is an interesting phenomenon in bilingual societies. FEATURES OF CODE MIXING:
Code-mixing is a phenomenon of switching one language to another in such communities where people are bilingualism or multilingualism. If we talk about features of code mixing then we come to know that; Sridhar, a linguist, has elaborated the following three features of code mixing through analysis of a text. These features are an applicable on the everyday language use: * The mixed elements are on every level of grammatical organization such as noun, verbs, attributive and predicative adjectives, and noun phrases etc.

* The mixed elements are not specifically culture oriented or ‘culture bond’. They are mostly from day to day life and every day usage items, which have acceptable equivalent in the language in which they are mixed.

* The mixed elements obey the rules of the original language from which they are taken as far as their grammatical organization is concerned.

* Intra-lexical code mixing:
* Involving a change of pronunciation
* Intra-sentential switching / code mixing
* This kind of code mixing which occurs within a word boundary. The insertion of well-defined chunks of language B into a sentence that otherwise belongs to language A.  Insertion of words from one language into a structure of another language. * INVOLVING A CHANGE OF PRONUNCIATION:
* This kind of code mixing occurs at the phonological level, as when Indonesian people say an English word, but modify it to Indonesian phonological structure. For instance, the word ‘strawberry’ is said to be ‘stroberi’ by Indonesian people. The use of element from either language in a structure that is wholly or partly shared by languages A or B.


* The succession of fragments in language A and B in a sentence, which is overall not identifiable as belonging to either A, or B and do come again. `That’s all right then, and do come again.


When code mixing occurs, the motivation or reasons of the speaker is an important consideration in the process. According to Hoffman, there are a number of reasons for bilingual or multilingual person to switch or mix their languages.

Those are: * Interjection

* Quoting somebody else
* Expressing group identity
* Because of real lexical need
* Talking about a particular topic
* Repetition used for clarification
* Being emphatic about something
* To soften or strengthen request or command
* Intention of clarifying the speech content for interlocutor * To exclude other people when a comment is intended for only a limited audience
Examples of “Mixed” Languages
“Mixed” languages are commonly found in
Bilingual communities:
• Franglais – French-English in Quebec
• Fragnol – French-Spanish in Argentina
• Spanglish – Cuban Spanish-English, Florida
• Tex-Mex – English-Mexican Spanish, Texas
(Wardhaugh 1992:108)
• Singlish – Chinese and English, Singapore
• Chinglish – Chinese (Cantonese)-English,
Hong Kong
Thus, code switching and code mixing is practiced by different speakers for different reasons, serves different communicative functions like any other language.
Inflectional morphology:-
Cross-linguistic variation in the forms and categories of inflectional morphology is so great that ‘inflection’ cannot be defined by simply generalizing over attested inflectional systems or paradigms. Rather, we define it as those categories of morphology that are SENSITIVE TO THE GRAMMATICAL ENVIRONMENT in which they are expressed. The inflectional morphology of a language is the study of the ways in which bound grammatical morphemes combine with stems to be realized as grammatical words. Inflectional morphology
Plural -s the books
Possessive (genitive) -s’ John’s book
3rd person singular nonpast -s He reads well.
Progressive -ing He is working.
Past tense -ed He worked.
Past participle -en/-ed He has eaten/studied.
Comparative -er- the smaller one
Superlative -est the smallest one
Inflectional affixes:
2• Form a word whose meaning is the same as that of the root or stem to which they attaches. Root Root meaning Derived Word Derived word meaning fix ‘the act of repairing something’ fixes ‘the act of repairing something (3rd person present singular)’ learn ‘the act of gaining knowledge learned ‘the act of gaining knowledge (happened at some past time) ’Husand ‘a male spouse’ husband-s ‘male spouses (more than one)’ • Never change the lexical category.
• Have far fewer idiosyncratic lexical restrictions than do derivational affixes. • Attach outside of/after derivational affixes.
• Are relevant to the syntax. That is, they mark information about the grammatical roles that the stems they attach to play in the sentence as a whole.

(5) a. He reads well.
b. * He read well.
c. * They reads well.
d. They read well.
(6) a. The book is on the table.
b. The books are on the table.
3 Two other ways of marking inflection
3.1 Internal change
Internal change (also known as ablaut) is the replacement of a root internal nonmorphemic sound with a different sound. (7) a. goose (sing); geese (plural)
b. sing (pres); sang (past)
c. drive (pres); drove (past)
3.2 Suppletion
Suppletion is the replacement of a morpheme with an entirely different morpheme. (8) a. go (pres); went (past)
b. is (pres); were (past)
The words formed from these processes are often known as irregular forms, since they are not as productive, and not as predictable as are inflected words that result from inflectional affixation. However, at least in the case of internal change, there is some degree of both. For example, if you know that the plurals of cactus and octopus are cacti and octopi, then you are likely to predict that the plurals of rhinoceros and torus are rhinoceros and tori, and these predictions are correct. Similarly, many speakers use brang rather than brought as the past tense of bring (cf sing:sang, ring:rang, etc. The full productivity of regular forms:
31. Children in early acquisition overgeneralize the regular form to irregular nouns and verbs, forming plurals such as *childs and *hoofs and past tenses such as fabled, bayed, and sleeped. 2. When an irregular noun is used as part of a proper name, its plural is formed regularly, e.g. 1. maple leaf (sing) maple leaves (pl)
2. Maple Leafs (Toronto’s hockey team)
A noun used as a verb, has the regular past tense ending:
1. ring (verb, present); rang (verb, past)
2. ring (verbalized noun, present); ringed (verbalized noun, past).
derivational morphology:-
Derivational morphology
Derivation is the morphological process which creates a word with a new meaning and/or category. The derivational morphology of a language is a study of the ways in which bound lexical morphemes combine with stems to be realized as lexical words.
One derivational process we have not yet discussed is compounding. A compound is a morphologically complex word that is formed through combination of two or more free morphemes (roots). (1) a. doghouse

b. fireman
c. blueberry
d. White House
Derivational affixes have the following properties.
Derivational affixes:
• Form a word whose meaning is different from the meaning of the root or stem to which it attaches. Root Root meaning Derived Word Derived word meaning fix ‘the act of repairing something’ fixable ‘(something that is) able to be repaired’ teach ‘the act of instructing; imparting knowledge’ teacher ‘one who engages regularly in the act of instructing’ husand ‘a male spouse’ ex-husband ‘a former male spouse (of someone)’ Submit ‘to officially give to someone, to hand in’ resubmit ‘to officially hand in again (after having already done so at least once before) • Can change the lexical category (i.e. change a noun to a verb; change a verb to a noun, etc). The derivational affixes in the first two examples in the chart above change the category of the root they attach to. Here are a few other examples of category-changing derivational affixes: Affix Root Root category Derived word Derived word category ous- poison Noun poisonous Adjective ness – happy Adj happiness Noun the relevant property of derivational affixes is that they can change the category, not that they necessarily do so. (The last two examples in the chart above do not.) Therefore, if you find that a morpheme changes the category of the stem, you know that it is a derivational affix, but if you find that it does not change the category, you do not know that it is not a derivational affix. It could still very likely be a derivational affix if it changes the meaning. A few more examples of derivational affixes that are not category-changing: 1(2)

Examples of non-category-changing affixes

a. antib. dec. disd. mis-
• May have idiosyncratic selectional restrictions. That is, a particular derivational affix consistently attaches to a particular category of word, but it does not necessarily attach to every word of that category. 1. whiten but not *desken

2. redden but not *studyen
1. whiten but not *abstracten
2. redden but not *bluen
3. quicken but not *slowen
• In English can attach to almost every lexical category (except adverbs). (3) a. N ? N
b. V ? V
c. A ? A
d. V ? A
e. V ? A
f. N ? V
g. A ? V
h. A ? Adv
i. A ? N
• Attach inside of/before inflectional affixes.
(4) *dancesing *trieding *hopesful
• Are not relevant to the syntax. In other words: they don’t mark relationships with other parts of the sentence, as, for example, verbs have Inflectional affixes to show agreement with the subject of the sentence in English.

* a form of a language spoken in a particular geographical area or by members of a particular social class or occupational group, distinguished by its vocabulary, grammar, and pronunciation. * A regional or social variety of a language distinguished by pronunciation, grammar, or vocabulary, especially a variety of speech differing from the standard literary language or speech pattern of the culture in which it exists. Origin of DIALECT

Middle French dialecte, from Latin dialectus, from Greekdialektos conversation, dialect, from dialegesthai to converse — more at dialogue First Known Use: 1577
Variety of a language spoken by a group of people and having features of vocabulary, grammar, and/or pronunciation that distinguish it from other varieties of the same language. Dialects usually develop as a result of geographic, social, political, or economic barriers between groups of people who speak the same language. When dialects diverge to the point that they are mutually incomprehensible, they become languages in their own right. This was the case with Latin, various dialects of which evolved into the different languages.

kinds of dialect:-

The speech of most people from the Southern United States is also distinctive. American English is distinct from Australian English, which is distinct from the British English spoken in England. Such dialects, spoken by people of different places, might be called geographical dialects. Another type of dialect is the social dialect. Social dialects are spoken by people of different groups.

In many places one dialect has more social standing than the others. Often it becomes the language of government and is taught in the schools. Such a dialect is called a standard dialect. Differences in speech habits are what make dialects. Speakers pronounce words differently. They use different words for the same thing. And they sometimes put words together in different ways.  A dialect is a variety of a language.

The line between languages and dialects is not always clear. Dialects are sometimes called languages, and languages are sometimes called dialects.

Isogloss: a graphical representation marking the distributional limits of lexical items or linguistic forms (sometimes the area associated with a linguistic form). There is no universally accepted criterion for distinguishing a language from a dialect. A number of rough measures exist, sometimes leading to contradictory results. Some linguists do not differentiate between languages and dialects, i.e. languages are dialects and vice versa. The distinction is therefore subjective and depends on the user’s frame of reference. However, if language X is referred to as a dialect, this implies the speaker considers X a dialect of some other language Y. Language varieties are often called dialects rather than languages: * if they have no standard or codified form,

* if they are rarely or never used in writing (outside reported speech), * if the speakers of the given language do not have a state of their own, * if they lack prestige with respect to some other, often standardized, variety. Anthropological linguists define dialect as the specific form of a language used by a speech community.[ From this perspective, everyone speaks a dialect. Those who identify a particular dialect as the “standard” or “proper” version of a language are seeking to make a social distinction. Often the standard language is close to the sociolect of the elite class. The status of language is not solely determined by linguistic criteria, but it is also the result of a historical and political development.

the term register refers to specific lexical and grammatical choices as made by speakers depending on the situational context, the participants of a conversation and the function of the language in the discourse (cf. Halliday 1989, 44). There are five language registers or styles. Each level has an appropriate use that is determined by differing situations. It would certainly be inappropriate to use language and vocabulary reserve for a private conversation in the classroom. Thus the appropriate language register depends upon the audience (who), the topic (what), purpose (why) and location (where).

You must control the use of language registers in order to enjoy success in every aspect and situation you encounter.
1.      Static Register
This style of communications RARELY or NEVER changes. It is “frozen” in time and content. e.g. the Lord’s Prayer etc.  2.      Formal Register
This language is used in formal settings and is one-way in nature. This use of language usually follows a commonly accepted format. It is usually impersonal and formal. A common format for this register are speeches. e.g. sermons, rhetorical statements and questions, speeches, pronouncements made by judges,  announcements.

3.      Consultative Register
This is a standard form of communications. Users engage in a mutually accepted structure of communications. It is formal and societal expectations accompany the users of this speech. It is professional discourse. e.g. when strangers meet, communications between a superior and a subordinate, doctor & patient, lawyer & client, lawyer & judge, teacher & student, counselor & client,

4.      Casual Register
This is informal language used by peers and friends. Slang, vulgarities and colloquialisms are normal. This is “group” language. One must be member to engage in this register. e.g. buddies, teammates, chats and emails, and blogs, and letters to friends.

5.      Intimate Register
This communications is private. It is reserved for close family members or intimate people. e.g. husband & wife, boyfriend & girlfriend, siblings, parent & children.
Register is a set of linguistic items were associated with discrete occupational and social groups. PURE vowels :-(phonetics) a vowel that is pronounced with more or less unvarying quality without any glide; monophthong .  a vowel is a sound in spoken language, such as an English ah! [ɑː] or oh! [oÊŠ], pronounced with an open vocal tract so that there is no build-up of air pressure at any point above the glottis. This contrasts with consonants, such as English sh! [ʃː], where there is a constriction or closure at some point along the vocal tract. A vowel is also understood to be syllabic: an equivalent open but non-syllabic sound is called a semivowel. various orthographic symbols to represent specially the vowels /i/ and /e/

The role of English within the complex multilingual society of India is far from straightforward: it is used across the country, by speakers with various degrees of proficiency; the grammar and phraseology may mimic that of the speaker’s first language. While Indian speakers of English use idioms peculiar to their homeland, often literal translations of words and phrases from their native languages, this is far less common in proficient speakers, and the grammar itself tends to be quite close to that of Standard English.

David Marks

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